论遗传资源的获取和惠益分享的产生

遗传资源是对人类具有实际或潜在用途或价值的一类重要的生物资源,遗传资源的获取问题经历了从自由获取向限制获取的转变过程。《生物多样性公约》的通过,标志着遗传资源的获取和惠益分享国际法律规范的正式确立,而《粮食和农业植物遗传资源国际条约》则针对粮食和农业植物遗传资源的特殊性质建立了粮食和农业植物遗传资源的获取和惠益分享多边系统。     

当前中国在周边安全环境中面临的挑战

当前,中国的周边安全环境较为严峻,表现为:美日同盟深化,中日关系紧张,中国在中美日三角中处境不容乐观;美印关系实现新突破,日印相互借助,美日印“新三角”发展态势令人关注;“法理台独”威胁进一步增大,美日台三边安全“准同盟”暗流涌动;美朝矛盾加剧,致使“朝核”久拖不决,美韩、美蒙关系的发展为东北亚局势增添新的变数;伊朗核问题临近“摊牌”对中国的挑战。总之,大国互动、“台独”、核扩散是中国在周边安全环境中面临的三大挑战。     

解决国际条约与国内法冲突问题的新思考--以《宪法》和《缔结条约程序法》为依据

国际条约与国内法冲突可能会有三种情形第一种是法律地位较高的国际条约与法律地位较低的国内法相冲突,我们适用上位法优于下位法的原则予以解决;第二种是法律地位相同的国际条约与国内法相冲突,我们适用有条件的条约优先原则、解释一致原则、修改国内法和修改国际条约这4种方法予以解决;第三种是法律地位较低的国际条约与法律地位较高的国内法相冲突,但是<中华人民共和国缔结条约程序法>第7条的规定排除了这种冲突出现的可能性.     

The civil liability of European nuclear operators: which coverage for the new 2004 Protocols? Evidence from France

In Western Europe, the nuclear liability is governed by two international conventions, drafted by the Nuclear Energy Agency of the OECD: the Paris (1960) and Brussels (1963) Conventions. These conventions traditionally limited the liability of the nuclear power plant operators to relatively low amounts. In France, the liability of the (state owned) operator of €91 million is covered by insurance (for €31 million) and reserves (for €60 million). A recent modification to the conventions occurred in 2004 and increased the liability limit to €700 million. In this paper we aim to evaluate the costs for covering the increased liability for the nuclear risk after the introduction of the 2004 amendments. In order to do so, we calculate the actuarial insurance premium for the nuclear risk and find that the current premium charge is very large. The paper tries to explain the high price of nuclear liability insurance. Also the costs of the own reserves for the coverage of potential nuclear accidents are examined. We then aim to evaluate the different options (mostly insurance and reserves) and indicate the optimal combination of both instruments to cover the future operators’ liability limit, introduced by the latest 2004 amending Protocols.

The Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty in Jeopardy? Internal Divisions and the Impact of World Politics

The frustration of non-nuclear weapon states about the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament has reached boiling point: a vast majority of them have supported a resolution in the UN General Assembly that establishes a negotiation forum for concluding a prohibition of nuclear weapons in 2017. Rising tension among the nuclear powers and populist movements feeding nationalist emotions make it unlikely that the situation will change for the better in the near future. It is thus possible that the NPT might be eroded or, in the worst case scenario, simply collapse because of diminishing support.     

When ‘Anxious Scrutiny’ of Arms Exports Facilitates Humanitarian Disaster

How is it that the UK government continues to export weapons to Saudi Arabia for use in the war in Yemen, despite an explicit commitment to international humanitarian law (IHL)? And how is it that the High Court recently dismissed a case of judicial review, confirming that the government was ‘rationally entitled to conclude’ that arms exports pose no clear risk to IHL in Yemen? In what follows, I explain how a flexible interpretation of risk, reliance on secret information, and deference of the Court to the executive serve to facilitate rather than restrict arms exports. The judges’ decision provides a stamp of approval to an arms export policy that has directly contributed to the deaths of thousands of civilians in Yemen. Attention to the Saudi/Yemen case shows the political and legal manoeuvring that goes into managing the contradictions in government arms export policy.     

Iran’s Latin America Strategy: 2005 to Present

Iran has expanded its trade relations with Latin America since 2005. Many argue that the reasons for such activities are for financial gain and to bypass the sanctions. This article argues that economic gain are miniscule and that the primary objectives of Iran are two-fold: first, to assist its nuclear program; and second, to develop deterrence against the U.S. possible military option against Iran.     

基于地区形势认识模式，东北亚地区合作应对核灾难

具有地缘政治学上特殊关系的韩中日三国，在核安全及应对核灾难时，不该仅仅从本国利益出发，而应该从区域公共财产的层面考虑问题。福岛核辐射事件呼吁三国加强区域合作的紧急需要。应对核灾难的东北亚地区合作，不是仅从简单的多变合作关系框架出发，而是为了保证作为地区公共财产安全的核安全，作为地区形势认识模式，提出了系统而具体的核灾难应对模式，提出了将制度性框架和具体合作方案进行系统联结的理论模式。基于Endsely的地区形势认识模式，地区形势认识模式由认识-理解-预测这三个阶段组成。在实践层面，地区形势认识模式可以被应用为建设系统而具体的东北亚应对核灾难的合作机制。为了构筑基于地区形势认识的东北亚合作体系，首先要在保证三国合作连续性的政治意志，其实要设定围绕地区合作方向性的竞争结构及与其他地区的关系，最后，为确保三国合作的有效性，有必要设立更加具体而有约束力的制度措施。     

禁止核武器条约:接下来做什么？

核不扩散机制使得世界从1945年以后没有发生过核战争,而且帮助防止了核武器扩散至更多国家或流入恐怖组织手中。然而,当前围绕禁止核武器条约的态势,可能会分散国际社会对核不扩散机制的关注和努力,这是禁止核武器条约的反对者和怀疑者们所担心的。禁止核武器条约的讨论得到国际支持,主要是因为核武器国家未能在《不扩散核武器条约》框架下就核裁军显示出“诚意”。无核武器国家占据大多数,而其中的多数又不能接受核裁军没有进展的现状,也不愿意成为有核国家启动核战争决策的人质。此外,尽管促成禁核条约的种种关切合情合理,但令人担忧的是条约过于简单,从而缺少严格的核查以及强制遵约条款。因此,核武器国家可以单独或与其他核武器国家一道更加认真地履行核裁军义务,设计核裁军机制的范本需要解决禁核条约绕开的关键问题,并需要进行国际辩论,讨论何种条件下首先使用核武器是必要与正当的,才是消除禁核条约造成对立的出路所在。     

‘This is a Prison…A Death in Life’: Reza Shah’s troubled exile on the Island of Mauritius

Reza Shah, the feared and powerful master of Iran for nearly two decades, spent the last years of his life in lonely exile, on the island of Mauritius, then in South Africa. His life in exile was hardly a happy one. The place and conditions of his exile were dictated not by himself but by the British, and the relationship between the two remained uneasy. Britain’s handling of Reza Shah – the degree and freedom and choice they were prepared to allow him and his family – were determined by the exigencies of war. Reza Shah sought to loosen the bonds of British control. In Tehran, his son and successor, Mohammad Reza Shah, also played a role. He used what leverage he had with the British to help ease the conditions of his father’s exile, while he endeavored to protect Iran’s interests under a difficult foreign occupation. The push-and-pull of cross-purposes entailed by this triangular relationship defined Reza Shah’s life in exile in both Mauritius and Johannesburg. This article examines the Mauritian period of his exile.